THE
ELECTIONS OF 1923 IN THE KINGDOM OF THE SERBS, CROATS, AND SLOVENES
Matthew M.
Meštrović
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Journal of
Croatian Studies, I, 1960, pages
44-52 – Annual Review of the Croatian Academy of America, Inc. New York,
N.Y., Electronic edition by Studia Croatica, by permission. All reserved
by the Croatian Academy of America.
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The
Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes was established on December 1, 1918
at the end of World War I. In March 1919 the Provisional National Assembly met
in Belgrade. The first legislature of the new state was an appointed body
constituted from representatives apportioned among the various provinces by the
political parties supporting Yugoslav Union. The country's first general
election for a Constituent Assembly was held on November 28, 1924 by an
affirmative vote of 223 of its 419 members the Assembly enacted the Vidovdan
Constitution, on St. Vitus Day, June
28, 1921.
The
second general election after the establishment of the state took, place on
March 18, 1923. 1n these elections 2,167,000 voters cast their ballots, 570,000
more than in the elections of November 28, 1920.[1]
The sharp increase in the vote wag general throughout the country, and it was
due not only to the rise in the number of eligible voters but also to a greater
political awareness of the people. As in the 1920 elections, the vote was
heaviest in the western regions of the country. In Slovenia in 1923 over 79
percent of the eligible voters cast their ballots compared to 68 percent in
1920. In Croatia-Slavonia 78 percent voted as compared to 68 percent in the
elections for the Constituent Assembly. In Montenegro the respective
percentages for the two elections were 66 and 65.[2]
In
accordance with the new electoral law, the National Assembly of 1923 comprised
314 deputies, or 105 less than the Constituent Assembly. Since the population
statistics and estimates of 1910 were used as the basis for the apportionment
of parliamentary seats, Serbia within her 1914 limits was again heavily
favored. The seats were assigned to the several provinces in the following
ratio: Serbia and Macedonia 116, Croatia-Slavonic 68, Slovenia 26,
Bosnia-Hercegovina 48, Vojvodina 34, Dalmatia 15, Montenegro 1.[3].
The Assembly elected in 1923, included 168 Serbs (53 percent of the total
membership), 78 Catholic Croats (25 percent), 19 Bosnian Moslems (6 percent),
25 Slovenes (8 percent), 8 Germans, 12 Albanians, 3 Turks, and 1 Rumanian.[4]
The
Serbians received an unduly large segment of Assembly seats because of an
additional factor. The Belgrade government considered the Orthodox Macedonians
as Serbians, and it did not permit Macedonian nationalists or Bulgarian
sympathizers to run for election in Macedonia.
Following
are the election results indicating the breakdown of the vote by parties and
also the number of seats the various groups received in the National Assembly.[5]
Parties |
Votes |
Percentages |
Percentages |
|
|
Received |
of Votes |
Seats |
of Votes |
|
|
|
|
|
Radicals |
562213 |
25,9 |
108 |
34,3 |
Protić-Radicals
|
13742 |
0,6 |
- |
- |
Democrats |
400342 |
18,5 |
51 |
16,2 |
Croatian
Republican Peasant Party |
473733 |
21,9 |
70 |
22,3 |
Agrarians |
153579 |
7,1 |
9 |
2,9 |
Kmetijci
(Slovene Agrarians) |
11029 |
0,5 |
1 |
0,3 |
Slovene
People's. Party |
107497 |
4,9 |
21 |
6,7 |
Bunjevci
(Vojvodina Croats) |
12793 |
0,6 |
3 |
0,9 |
Croatian
People's Party |
6088 |
0,4 |
- |
- |
Yugoslav Moslem
Organization (M. Spaho) |
112228 |
5,2 |
19 |
6 |
Yugoslav Moslem
Organization (Maglajlić) |
6074 |
0,3 |
- |
0 |
Tribunaši |
7850 |
0,4 |
1 |
0,3 |
Džemijet |
71493 |
3,3 |
14 |
4,5 |
Social Democrats |
48337 |
2,2 |
3 |
0,9 |
Trumbić-Drinković |
16200 |
0,7 |
2 |
0,7 |
Montenegrin
Federalists |
7912 |
0,4 |
2 |
0,7 |
German Party |
43415 |
2 |
8 |
2,6 |
Serbian Party |
15236 |
0,7 |
1 |
0,3 |
Rumanian Party |
7070 |
0,3 |
1 |
0,3 |
Hungarian Party |
8561 |
0,4 |
- |
- |
Communists |
24321 |
1,1 |
- |
- |
Others |
57424 |
2,6 |
- |
- |
(Others: Republicans, 18941;
Croatian Party of Right, 8089; National Socialists, 4064; Serbian Progressives,
1541; Serbian Liberals, 3384; Veterans Party, 3642; Peasant Party of Prekomurje
3384; Czech Party, 1541; Independent Moslem Party, 3642 Šušterčić's
Party, 1361; Croatian Union, 2408; Disabled Veterans, 2682; Croat Bloc, 2424;
Kirijadžijska Party, 321).
The great victors of the elections
were the Radical Party, the Croatian Republican Peasant Party, the Slovene
People's Party, and the Yugoslav Moslem Organization. Each group emerged as the
almost unchallenged spokesman of a distinct national and/or religious group. In
the minds of the peoples of Yugoslavia the solution of economic, class, and
cultural problems became identified with the achievement of their individual
national and religious aspirations.
The great losers of the election
were the Democratic Party, the various moderate Croatian groups, and the
Agrarian Party. The Communist Party had been illegal since the summer of 1921,
and the various Communist or pro-Communist candidates running on several
allegedly socialist tickets received a total of only about 24,000 votes.
The Yugoslav Democratic Party
The Democratic Party, which at least
in theory advocated Serb-Croat-Slovene equality and unity, suffered a serious
setback in the elections of March 18, 1923. Although it received 400,342 votes
(80,894 more than in 1920) or about 18 percent of all ballots cast, it elected
only W deputies (16 percent of the total).
The party
was split into two bitterly rival factions, one under Pribićević, the
other under Davidović. Pribićević was the leader of the Serbian
minority inhabiting Croatia-Slavonia, while Davidović headed the Democrats
from Serbia proper, Macedonia, Vojvodina, and Montenegro. After the elections
the final break between the two groups took place, and twelve deputies under
Pribićević joined forces with Pašić's Radicals, while the
remaining 39 deputies joined the ranks of the opposition.[6]
The
Democratic Party had lost a large number of its seats in parliament precisely
because its vote was scattered throughout the country. The electoral law had
been so devised as to favor strong regional groups, giving premiums to the
party or parties receiving a large segment of the vote in a particular
electoral district. Thus the Democratic Party was able to elect deputies only
in the district where it possessed a large sectional following.
In
Croatia-Slavonia the Democrats ran strongly mainly in districts with a
substantial Serbian population electing a total of 10 deputies. In Slovenia the
party maintained its previous position. It received 14,660 votes (out of a
total of 178,697) and elected one deputy.[7]
In Montenegro, the two rival Democratic lists received, respectively, 6,965
votes and 1,449 votes giving the party two deputies. Vojvodina sent to the
National Assembly 5 Democrats and Dalmatia one while the entire party slate in
Bosnia-Hercegovina went down to ignominious defeat. Serbia and Macedonia
remained the principal bastions of the party electing 32 Democrats to
parliament.[8] In fact
Serbia and Macedonia cast more Democratic votes than in 1921, but owing to a
sharp increase of the total number of ballots cast the party's percentage of
the total vote decreased. Also, because the Radicals vote doubled in many
districts, the Democrats were deprived of seats they previously held.[9]
The
Radical Party
The
Radical Party received in 1923 almost double the number of votes it had
gathered in 1920. From 284,575 it jumped to 562,213 registering an increase of
277,638 votes. It emerged from the elections of 1923 as the representative of a
majority of the Serbian people electing 66 deputies out of 116 alloted Serbia and
Macedonia. In the other regions of Yugoslavia the Radicals elected the
following number of deputies: Montenegro 3 (out of 7); Croatia-Slavonic 6 (out
of 68); Dalmatia 5 (out of 15); Vojvodina 15 (out of 34); Bosnia-Hercegovina 13
(out of 48); Slovenia 0 (out of 26).[10]
The election statistics indicate that the Radicals generally gained their
greatest successes in Serbia proper and other regions with a substantial
Serbian population such as Vojvodina. In Croatia-Slavonia the Radical
stronghold was Srijem where many Serbians live. Only in Dalmatia did the party
receive a substantial Croatian vote.
The
amazing victory of the Radicals was largely due to the party's appeal to the
Serbians at a time of growing national antagonism and bitterness. The Radicals
had led Serbia since the assassination of Alexander Obrenović in 1903. In
the minds of the people the party was identified with the amazing expansion of
Serbia during the first two decades of the century, the defeat of the Turks and
the Bulgarians in the Balkan wars, the liberation of "Old Serbia",
the struggle and victory in the World War, the unification of all segments of
the Serbian nation under the Karađorđević dynasty. It is not
surprising, therefore, that at a time of growing crisis, when Serbian hegemony
was threatened by the Croats united behind the Croatian Republican Peasant
Party, the Serbian people gave their overwhelming support to the Radical Party.
For
a few years, following the establishment of the new state, a coalition of
Serbian opposition parties, Bosnian Serbian groups, Serbian and Croatian
elements from Croatia-Slavonia, amalgamated in the Democratic Party, had
challenged the supremacy of the Radicals. But by 1923 it was apparent to the
Serbian people that the Democrats had neither, cohesion nor unity of purpose,
and they voted in overwhelming numbers for Pašić and his followers.
The
Radicals were opposed to Yugoslav nationalism. They conceived the Serbs;
Croats, and Slovenes as three distinct peoples and the union of December 1,
1918, as the union of three distinct national elements. Since the Serbs were
the strongest and most numerous group in the multinational South Slav state,
they had both the power and the right to play a leading role in the country.
Since its formation in the 1880's the Radicals had striven for the unification
of all Serbs into a Serbian state. They were not interested in including large
numbers of Catholics into this "Great Serbia" and were consequently
willing to grant the Croats autonomy and perhaps even independence within the
limits of a truncated Croatia. The 1923 elections showed that there was
widespread support among the Serbian masses for such a solution of the
"Croatian problem."
The Croatian Republican Peasant
Party
The Croatian Republican Peasant Party registered
a smashing victory in all Croatian regions. It received 473,733 votes, more
than double the 230,590 it had received in the elections of November 28, 1920,
increasing its total vote by 243,133.[11]
The Peasant Party received about 90 percent of
the total Croatian Roman Catholic Vote. Other Croatian parties (the Croatian
People's Party, the Croatian Party of Right, Croatian Union, Croatian Bloc, and
so forth) gathered only about 7 percent of the Croatian ballots.[12]
The Social Democrats, Democrats, Radicals, and Communists obtained a small
percentage of Croatian votes.
Only 27,092 Croats voted for parties
generally favoring a federated Yugoslav state, while 482,822 voted for groups
favoring separate Croatian statehood.[13].
Out of a total of 78 Croatian deputies elected in 1923, 68 were members of the
Croatian Republican Peasant Party, 5 were Democrats, 3 were
"Bunjevci" (Croatian People's Party from Bačka), and 2 were
Independents from Dalmatia.[14]
The 70 Croatian Peasant Party
deputies were apportioned as follows among the four provinces where the party
had presented lists of candidates: Croatia-Slavonia 52 deputies (out of a total
of 68), Dalmatia 7 (out of 15), Bosnia-Hercegovina 9 (out of 48), and Slovenia
2 (out of 26).[15] The Peasant
Party's percentage of the total vote cast ranged from 89 percent in the
district of Varaždin to a low of 6 percent in the district of Bihać.[16]
The election results vindicated
Radić's efforts to unite the Croatian people, his opposition to the
proclamation of Yugoslav union, his boycott of the Constituent Assembly, his
condemnation of the Vidovdan Constitution, and his demands for a
Croatian Peasant Republic. In 1920 the Peasant Party had campaigned exclusively
in Croatia-Slavonia and had obtained all its support from that province. In
1923 Radić extended his political activities to all the other areas with a
substantial Croatian population and even made inroads in Slovenia by electing
two deputies in the district of Maribor.
On March 18, 1923, the Croatian
nation had almost unanimously endorsed the Peasant Party and the leadership of
Radić. Thus, the party itself changed to a certain extent in complexion. -
It was no longer a class movement fighting for peasant rights as against the
urban bourgeoisie. It had become the embodiment of the entire Croatian people,
of farmers, workers, and businessmen, left-wingers, moderates, and
right-wingers, poor and rich alike.
The Slovene
People's Party
In the three electoral districts
into which Slovenia was divided, 178,598 voters cast their ballots. The Slovene
People's Party received 107,497 votes, or approximately 60 percent of the
total, and elected 21 of the 26 deputies alloted Slovenia.[17]
In 1920 the party of Korošec had received only 37 percent of the Slovene vote
and had elected 13 out of 40 deputies.
The Slovene People's Party emerged
from the elections of March 1923, as the spokesman of the Slovene people. The
once powerful Slovene Agrarians and Social Democrats had been overwhelmed at
the polls. The Slovene Agrarians, who had sided with the Pašić government
at the time of the enactment of the Vidovdan Constitution, received only
11,029 votes and elected only one deputy, while the Social Democrats were
deprived of all representation.
The success of the People's Party
was due to several factors. It combined moderate socialist views with
Catholicism, and it demanded Slovene self-government, while wishing to preserve
the broader Yugoslav union essential to protect Slovenia from being absorbed by
the Germans and Italians.
The Yugoslav Moslem Organization
The Yugoslav Moslem Organization had
emerged from the elections of November 28, 1920, as the sole representative of
the Moslems from Bosnia-Hercegovina. At first the party had fought strongly for
the establishment of a federal form of government but had later agreed to vote
for the centralist Vidovdan Constitution. In March 1922, the Yugoslav
Moslem Organization split into two rival factions of twelve deputies each. The
group led by Spaho broke with the Pašić administration, joined the
opposition, and condemned the division of the country into thirty-three
administrative departments. The faction led by Maglajlić continued
supporting the ruling coalition of Radicals and Democrats and the
implementation of the Constitution.
Thus in the 1923 elections two rival
lists of candidates vied for the Moslem vote in Bosnia-Hercegovina. The
Maglajlić faction was completely annihilated at the polls electing no
deputies and receiving a grand total of only 6,074 votes. The Moslem electorate
voted in bloc for the Spaho led group giving it 112,228 votes.[18]
With 19 deputies out of 48 alloted Bosnia-Hercegovina, the Yugoslav Moslem
constituted the strongest single party in that province. As in 1920, the Moslem
deputies elected in 1923, were mostly intellectuals and professional men.[19]
This indicated that class antagonism was insignificant within the Bosnian
Moslem community and that the dominant feeling was one of cultural and
religious solidarity. The election further showed that the masses of the
Moslems from Bosnia-Hercegovina disapproved of the Serbian centralist policies of
the Belgrade government and that they were determined to maintain their group
identity and cohesion.
Džemijet
(Albanian and Turk Party)
The election results for most of the
districts of Macedonia and Kosmet-Metohija were not published in the Službene
Novine. But statistics printed in Nova Evropa[20]
show that the bulk of the Džemijet's strength came from six districts of
Macedonia and Kosmet-Metohija heavily populated by Moslem Albanians and Turks.
In 1920 the Džemijet received 30,029
votes and elected 8 deputies (out of a total of 419); in 1923 the party
received 71,493 votes and elected 14 deputies (out of 314). The success of the
Džemijet in Moslem districts of Macedonia and Kosmet-Metohija was probably due
to several factors. The Albanians and Turks found it repugnant to vote for
either the Radicals or the Democrats. In 1920, two opposition parties
campaigned in the region, the Communists and the Džemijet, and both received
substantial support from Moslem Albanians and Turks. In 1923 the voters of Kosmet-Metohija
and Macedonia were in most cases only offered the choice of voting for the
Radicals, the Democrats, or the Džemijet (in some of the districts the Serbian
Agrarian party and Communist-oriented candidates also campaigned). The Moslem
Turks and Albanians preferred to cast their ballots for the Džemijet.
The
Communists
The
Communist Party had registered a tremendous electoral success in 1920,
receiving almost 200,000 votes and electing 58 deputies to the Constituent
Assembly. But in 1921, as has been mentioned, it was outlawed and party members
were forced underground. In the elections of 1923 the Communist Party as such
did not participate. However, several former Communist deputies ran for
election as independents or under various alleged socialist, labels. It is
estimated that all the Communist oriented candidates together received about
24,000 votes, or slightly over 12 percent of their 1920 total.
The
decline of Communist strength can be attributed to a certain extent to
political and police pressure exercised by the Belgrade government. However,
this undoubtedly was not the only reason. Dušan Cekic, the Communist deputy
elected in 1920 in the district of Skoplje, ran again in 1923. Although he was
not running as the official candidate of the Communist Party (since the party
was illegal), the voters must have been aware of his political past and
affiliation. They could have given him their votes, yet they did not. The same
occurred in other districts indicating that the appeal of the Communist Party
was definitely on the wane after 1921.
[1][1] The Nation (New York), February 25,
1925.
[2][2] Službene Novinu Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, issues of March
and April, 1923. Hereafter Službene Novine.
[3][3] Ivo Belin, "Malo izborne statistike," Nova Evropa (Zagreb),
vol. VII, No. 11, April
11, 1923, p. 331-32, tables Ia and lb.
[4][4] These figures were compiled from information
published in The Nation, op. cit., and I. Belin, ibid.
[5][5] The
statistical table was compiled from the following sources: Obzor Spomen
Knjiga. 1860-1935 (Zagreb, 1936); The Nation, ibid.; l. Belin, ibid.;
Službene Novine, op. cit.
[6][6] The Nation, ibid.
[7][7] Službene Novine, op. cit.
[8][8] l. Belin, op. cit.
[9][9] See election figures for various districts
published in Službene Novine, op. cit.
[10][10] I. Belin, op. cit.
[11][11] The Nation, op. cit.
[12][12] Excluding the Croatian Republican Peasant
Party, all the other Croatian parties received a combined total of 35186 votes.
[13][13] The figure 482822 is obtained by adding the
vote of the Croatian Party of Right (8089) to that of the Croatian Republican
Peasant Party.
[14][14] Službene Novine, op. cit.
[15][15] l. Belin, op. cit., p. 332, table Ib.
[16][16] Službene Novine, op. cit.
[17][17] Ibid.
[18][18] Ibid.
[19][19] Ibid.
[20][20] I. Belin, op. cit., p. 331, table Ia.